For some time this has been a question of the author, “At what point is a white demographic region untenable?” The urge to relocate to remote, unpopulated areas is as an extreme reaction not unlike the indifference or despair some people pay to seemingly irreversible demographic and social policy trends. The flaw of separatism is to abandon institutions and resources to revolutionaries. However, battles also should be chosen wisely and engaged in places where white people stand a chance of making both precedent and gain. But the determining factor seems to be the retention of white self-consciousness and memory.
A great history of the CofCC, from a more sociological view, can be read in Neil R. McMillen’s The Citizens’ Council, Organized Resistance to the Second Reconstruction, 1954-64. McMillen spends a curious section of his book analyzing Southron counties where Councils took root vs. those areas where they failed. Surprisingly, Citizen Councils faired best in counties where whites were non-majorities or in demographic transition. McMillen says, “Early ACCM-published mpas of organizational growth in the Magnolia State reveal that the Council prospered best in counties where Negroes constituted 50 percent or more of the total population…Conversely, the Council’s worst showing was in the sixth district, in the southern portion of the state where Negro populations in most counties did not exceed 33 percent.” (p. 27)
Surely a variety of factors explained the mobilization of Citizen Councils in Mississippi and throughout the South. Surely the South’s cultural history factored. However, this alone was insufficient to explain WASP protest. Whites had to realize they were endangered, particular when the NAACP went on the offense. McMillen notes, “The story of Council expansion, then, was not one of steady progress. Represented graphically, its growth in Mississippi, and elsewhere in the South, resembled a fever chart with peaks occurring in periods of racial unrest when the white population’s perception of the imminence of desegregation was greatest, and slumps coinciding with periods of relative racial calm” (p. 28)
The formation of Councils thus involved a number of elements. However, homogeneity was not one. Speaking from my own experience, there is a tipping point where whites appear to resign themselves to irrelevancy, often confluent when: 1) local elites who are either hostile or indifferent to them; 2) the white population sinks below 38%, is far beyond a numerical majority status, and the consequent mimicking of non-white culture begins; 3) and, there’s no longer a generational or popular memory to preserve contrary reference points. The difference between Mississippi in 1954 and California 2010 is the old black-belt, bourbon whites usually had elements #1 and #3 in their favor. Contemporary Californians on the other hand are asymmetrically disadvantaged by the emerging socialist, third-world majority and cannot conceive a constructive reply without socially and politically reconstructing themselves, salvaging or reviving enough WASP cultural capital and moral backbone to make future “jump-starts” possible.
But this assumes two things: a) the receptivity of a catalytic substrata excited by crisis; b) a foundational knowledge by white intellectuals of traditional WASP superstructures. What likely will fill the gap are educated, ultra-minorities within the WASP community that consciously work to awaken old institutions (1) making brave, bottom-up appeals to the ‘people’, revitalizing their own spokesmen and ideology without the interference from present-day Reconstruction leaders. If this proves impossible, falling upon deaf ears, etc., then strategic withdrawals may be in order, leaving the city to its own ends. Otherwise, examples can be set for others who increasingly find themselves in similar odds, applying PLE models that work.
(1) these “old” institutions are existing organizations which contain a residual memory of WASP supremacy, e.g., political party county committees, homeowner associations, churches, mutual aid societies, county law enforcement, private/home schools, and local businesses for example. See Mr. Barrett’s larger thesis on Pioneer Little Europe.